Translation from the Norwegian

Mr President,

When Norway assumed an independent place in the international community in 1905, it was the fulfilment of a desire for full independence that had been gaining strength among the Norwegian people.

2005 is a special year for Norwegian foreign policy. Both the Norwegian Foreign Service and Norway’s official relations with many of our key co-operation partners were established 100 years ago. We have already launched a comprehensive international programme designed to heighten Norway’s visibility in three important roles: as a modern cultural and knowledge nation; as a manager of natural resources; and as a partner in international peace and development.

The international centennial programme is an example of the efforts being made to enhance Norway’s international reputation. This is an important part of the Foreign Service’s role today. Norway’s image abroad needs to be brought up to date, or at least adjusted.

There is no doubt in my mind that a highly visible Norway, with a positive international image, is vital to the Norwegian private sector, to our cultural co-operation with other countries, and to our ability to promote our political views. Greater visibility gives us more influence.

The developments over the past 100 years have shown that national authority is insufficient to deal with the many common, transboundary challenges we face. National governance must be supplemented by – indeed it is now dependent on – binding international co-operation. This applies both to the efforts to promote peace, security and a sustainable environment and to the fight against poverty, disease and hunger. All nations must contribute to these efforts, both within and beyond their own borders.

In the course of these 100 years, certain fundamental values and interests have emerged in Norwegian foreign policy. This applies particularly to:

• Our efforts to promote stability, security and peace, both in our neighbouring areas and throughout the world.
• Our efforts to promote democracy and human rights in other countries, and to combat poverty.
• Our efforts to create favourable, predictable economic conditions that benefit Norwegian business interests.
• The consular tasks related to promoting Norwegian interests and assisting Norwegians abroad.

The tsunami disaster in South East Asia on 26 December last year shook the whole world, and underscored once again how vulnerable we are to the forces of nature. None of us were left unmoved by the disaster. I myself visited some of the hardest hit areas in Indonesia, Thailand and Sri Lanka. The human suffering and the vast scale of the destruction made a profound impression on me.

Many people have contributed to the relief effort, in many different ways. They have all done a highly commendable job.

I would like to extend a heartfelt thanks to all those who have spared no effort in helping the families of those affected, those who were injured and all those who needed assistance and support. This applies to a great many individuals, aid organisations, health personnel, church representatives, the police and many others, including foreign service employees. They all did their utmost to help in a critical and demanding situation.

In his statement to the Storting on 10 January, the Prime Minister gave a preliminary account of the authorities’ handling of the tsunami disaster. It is now being evaluated by a government-appointed commission.

I myself have initiated a fast-track internal review of the Foreign Service’s handling of the disaster. I will not, therefore, discuss these issues in any more detail now, but simply note that we have implemented two measures designed to immediately improve our emergency preparedness.

Firstly, we are establishing two crisis response teams that are alternately on standby and that are prepared to travel to a crisis area at very short notice. Secondly, we have upgraded our emergency preparedness system, which includes the ministry’s crisis response centre.

Mr President,

Respect for human rights, democracy and the principles of the rule of law are the foundations of Norwegian society. These values are also prerequisites for the economic growth and welfare that characterise our society.

We have seen that democracy is the best guarantee of security, peace and stability at the international level as well. The promotion of democracy and respect for human rights is therefore a Norwegian foreign policy goal. Our objective is to become engaged in places where democracy is being suppressed or where conditions are unfavourable. This is an important contribution to international peace and security.

Although the challenges are still considerable, I am pleased to see that more and more countries are choosing a democratic course.

The recent elections in Iraq, Afghanistan, Ukraine and the Palestinian Area have all contributed to the progress of democracy. These countries have taken a step towards democracy. This is a very positive trend that we intend to support actively. We hope that these elections will also serve as an example for other countries.

The elections in Iraq were above all a victory for the voters who defied terror and violence. They showed that the spirit of the Iraqi people had not been crushed by decades of repression. They showed a genuine will to continue the democratic process.

The voter turnout, which was 58 per cent for the country as a whole, was higher than many had feared, but it was extremely low in certain Sunni-dominated areas. Some people were afraid to vote because of the threat of terror, whereas others did not wish to take part in the elections. Those who refrained from voting do not have any right of veto in the further political process.

However, in order to enhance the government’s legitimacy and the country’s stability, it is important that the Sunni Muslims participate as well. The winners of the election, i.e. the Shiite majority and the Kurdish parties, must ensure that all ethnic and religious groups are drawn into the further process. So far it looks as if they are willing to do so. It is also encouraging that some representatives of groups that boycotted the election have now expressed a desire to co-operate with the authorities on drafting the country’s new constitution.

The elections also show that it was right to focus at an early stage on what could advance this process and return the country to full Iraqi control. It has been important to keep the violence from derailing these efforts. Norway has therefore consistently supported the political process in Iraq as endorsed by the UN Security Council. I discussed this in my statement to the Storting on 23 November last year. We have also contributed financially to the elections through the UN.

Iraq will now have a legitimately elected transitional national assembly, and has thus taken a big step towards genuine democracy. Norway has earmarked funds for reconstruction, and is helping to train Iraqi security forces through NATO. However, as the Chairman of the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Thorbjørn Jagland, pointed out in a question put during question time two weeks ago, a sustained effort is also needed to build up civil institutions and organisations in Iraq. I fully agree with Mr Jagland that this form of democracy building needs our support, and we will therefore consider this if a new Iraqi government should request such support.

We are looking forward to continuing the close co-operation with the Iraqi authorities. This applies not least to the petroleum sector, where we are in the process of establishing co-operation on several projects. We must do our share to help lay the groundwork for economic growth in Iraq.

The elections in Afghanistan were also a confirmation of the people’s desire for democracy. This was reflected in the relatively high voter turnout, particularly among women. Norway contributed not only to security in the country, but also financially to the elections through the UN. We will follow this up with more support for the parliamentary elections that are scheduled for the spring. We will also continue to support the Afghan Human Rights Commission.

The elections in Ukraine demonstrate the importance of a strong popular commitment, which led to President Yushchenko’s victory on 26 December. The country made a definite choice, in favour of democracy and against corruption and oligarchy. Now it is important to strengthen the co-operation between Ukraine and the European and transatlantic institutions. We must support civil society and the media in the country as well. Norway is therefore considerably intensifying its co-operation with Ukraine in the field of democracy building.

The presidential election in the Palestinian Area clearly confirmed the people’s will to build a society based on democratic values. There is every reason to believe that this will be reconfirmed by the parliamentary elections this summer.

Ever since his election victory, President Abbas has demonstrated a will and an ability to pursue new avenues to get a new peace process going. Let us therefore hope that the meeting last week between President Abbas and Prime Minister Sharon in Sharm el-Sheikh truly heralded a turning point. Their announcement of a mutual halt to the violence may mark the beginning of a new chapter, where the focus is once more on a Palestinian state living peacefully side by side with Israel. As we all know, this is not the first time the parties have promised to halt the violence, and we have been disappointed many times.

This time, however, the understanding reached in the security field is backed up by a real possibility of full Israeli withdrawal from Gaza and evacuation of the Jewish settlements there in the course of 2005. It is encouraging that the parties have agreed to co-ordinate this withdrawal. This is essential if the operation is to succeed.

Now it is important that the international community is resolute in insisting that the withdrawal is carried out in accordance with the Road Map for Peace and the vision of a two-state solution. Only a concerted, targeted effort on the part of the Quartet, i.e. the UN, the EU, the USA and Russia, can give the further peace process the necessary momentum and legitimacy.

We are prepared to help the parties take advantage of the new opportunities that have arisen to resume implementation of the Road Map and, with time, the peace negotiations. A well functioning Palestinian public administration will be important for reaching a viable two-state solution. We will therefore continue to contribute extensively to the Palestinian reform efforts. The group of donor countries, the AHLC, which Norway chairs, will have a key role in this effort.

The focus on democracy building as part of foreign and international development policy also involves promoting good governance and transparency and combating corruption.

We conduct human rights dialogues with China, Indonesia and Vietnam. This is a concrete, constructive form of political contact in which we have great faith.

Unfortunately, a great deal of effort is still needed to promote democracy in many countries, such as Burma. The consequences of the political shakeup last autumn are still unclear. We are working through the UN and other channels to support democratic forces in Burma. Aung San Suu Kyi and the proponents of democracy must be allowed to participate in the political process. Norway has been supporting the Burmese exile community for many years and has helped to strengthen civil society in Burma. We are also encouraging other countries in the region to use the channels available to them to promote political reforms in Burma.

As it turns out, however, neither the sanctions approach nor the policy of engagement has led to changes in the regime’s policies. We must therefore continually assess what means are most suitable for supporting democratisation in the country. Measures to promote dialogue will be essential in this connection.

Mr President,

Another cornerstone of Norwegian foreign policy is the internationally binding co-operation within the framework of the UN, which is celebrating its 60 ^th> anniversary this year.

UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan has taken a special initiative to strengthen the organisation this year. This will also give the members of the international community an opportunity to reconfirm their commitment to the UN and to the UN Charter.

A high-level panel appointed by the Secretary-General recently put forward recommendations for how we can better meet threats to international security and peace. The panel has concluded that the world is facing a number of threats that no country can deal with on its own. This applies for example to poverty and disease, climate change and environmental threats, internal conflict, terrorism and transnational organised crime.

In its report the panel explains how the threats are interrelated and how they must be met by means of collective measures on a broad front.

The UN General Assembly will consider the high-level panel’s recommendations later this year, together with a recently published report on what is required to achieve the Millennium Development Goals for poverty reduction by 2015.

Our views on the panel’s recommendations can be summarised in five points:

• Firstly, Norway attaches great importance to ensuring that the recommendations for reform are followed up by concrete measures.

• Secondly, we must strengthen the Security Council’s credibility, authority and effectiveness. We now have an opportunity to examine the composition of the Council with fresh eyes. A better balance between the regions could be achieved by extending the number of permanent and elected members. Our view is that small countries must continue to have an opportunity to make themselves heard in the Security Council, and that the composition of the Council must be such as to take account of the countries that contribute substantially to UN goals as regards peace and security and development assistance. This is also in keeping with the panel’s recommendation. It is, however, important that the discussion on the Council’s composition is not allowed to overshadow the many other challenges and recommendations.

• Thirdly, we support the panel’s recommendation to intensify UN efforts in the areas of peaceful conflict resolution and state building. We welcome the recommendation to strengthen the UN’s capacity for peacebuilding in the broadest sense. This includes conflict prevention measures, support for weak states and assistance to countries in transition from war to peace. Norway has been advocating an integrated approach for many years, i.e. an approach where policy measures, security, humanitarian efforts and development assistance are viewed in relation to each other.

• Fourthly, Norway endorses the panel’s emphasis on the view that the international community cannot refrain from action in cases where the authorities of a country fail to protect their own people. The experience of Rwanda and Srebrenica shows how necessary it is to reach greater international consensus on the need for collective action. The panel stresses, for example, the importance of intervening early enough, before there is a need for military measures.

• Fifthly, Norway agrees with the panel’s recommendation concerning universal membership of the UN Human Rights Commission. This will enhance the Commission’s legitimacy by shifting the political focus from who the members are to the issues being considered.

In other words, we now have a unique opportunity to reform and modernise the UN so that the organisation can meet the challenges of a new century. The primary aim is to enable us, together, to reduce both new and old threats to our collective security, and to intensify our efforts to achieve the Millennium Goals.

The UN high-level meeting in September will have to lay the groundwork for the necessary changes.

The alternative is a weakened world organisation and a more unpredictable, more insecure world for all of us.

Mr President,

In relation to the UN’s peacekeeping role, the challenges we are facing are particularly great in Africa.

Norway has been at the forefront of the efforts to reach a peaceful solution to the longstanding conflict in Sudan. We expect the UN Security Council to adopt a resolution shortly on the establishment of the United Nations Advance Mission in Sudan (UNMISUD), which will assist the new government in implementing the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, which was signed in Nairobi on 9 January. The mandate of the mission will consist both in monitoring the cease-fire and in channelling and co-ordinating humanitarian assistance and more long-term development assistance to the country. The UN plans to deploy a total of more than 10 000 persons to monitor the cease-fire, including military observers, civil police, and a military protection force and auxiliaries.

Norway will help to ensure that the monitoring mission is a success. In addition to support for the humanitarian and development-oriented programmes, the government has therefore decided to make available staff officers, military observers and a medical unit. Our total military contribution will number 30 persons. We are also considering providing a small number of police advisers. The government will submit a proposal to the Storting concerning the contribution and additional financing so that we can maintain our contribution at least at the same level over time.

Norway will be holding a donor conference for Sudan, hopefully in April. If the international community is to pledge substantial funds for reconstruction, it is important that progress is made towards peace in the whole of Sudan.

In addition, the international community has the formidable task of helping to reduce the human suffering in the Darfur region. The serious crimes in Darfur documented in the report of the UN commission of inquiry are a matter of grave concern. The Security Council will consider the report at the end of February and decide how it should be followed up. Norway will advocate that the report is forwarded to the International Court of Justice in The Hague for further follow-up.

The peace agreement negotiated in Naivasha also paves the way for a political solution in Darfur. The agreement will change the composition of the government in Khartoum and lay the foundation for a new political system that will apply to the whole of Sudan.

We must prevent the conflict in Darfur from jeopardising the peace agreement. Norway took part in the efforts to bring the parties to the negotiating table, and we will continue to provide considerable support to the African Union monitoring mission in Darfur.

Norway is also involved in efforts to resolve other conflicts in Africa. We have regular contact with the parties in Ethiopia and Eritrea concerning the deadlocked conflict there, and Norwegian military observers are participating in the UN mission that is monitoring the border between the two countries (UNMEE) .

We are also helping to promote contact between the Ugandan government and the rebel movement in north Uganda with a view to putting an end to the tragic conflict in the region.

However, it is vital that African countries themselves take responsibility for creating a more peaceful and stable continent. It is encouraging to see that there is now a greater willingness to do this, as I found in November, when I met with the Chairperson of the African Union. The organisation has established its own Peace and Security Council on the same lines as the UN and co-operates closely with the UN on burden-sharing and division of responsibility.

We intend to strengthen our co-operation with the African Union, and will soon be signing a framework agreement with the organisation on an increase in long-term support for capacity-building in relation to peace and security. The main aim is to encourage the African countries to take more responsibility for resolving their own conflicts.

It is therefore encouraging to see that force contributions to peacekeeping operations in Africa are increasingly being made by the African countries themselves. An example of this is the co-operation with African organisations on peacekeeping: Training for Peace in Southern Africa. This very successful programme is now being expanded to include West Africa. We are also interested in helping to strengthen the regional co-operation on combating the illegal spread of small arms.

Mr President,

Norway also supports the recommendation by the UN High-level Panel for a comprehensive strategy for joint efforts to combat international terrorism that includes co-operation on police and intelligence matters and stricter control of financial transactions.

The tragic events in New York, Bali, Madrid and Beslan have shown that the terrorist threat is a global one. There are no easy solutions in the fight against international terrorism. Eliminating the terrorist networks requires close, long-term international co-operation, with the UN playing a central role. It is also essential that regional organisations like the EU and NATO take an active part in eliminating terrorist networks.

We also agree with the high-level panel about the need to strengthen international co-operation in order to prevent the proliferation and use of weapons of mass destruction. The Non-Proliferation Treaty is one of the most important international instruments for this purpose. We have taken the initiative to help ensure that the outcome of the review conference in May strengthens the treaty provisions. This will be discussed at a preparatory meeting in Oslo in March.

Iran’s nuclear programmes are a major challenge for the international community as regards non-proliferation. By adhering to the Non-Proliferation Treaty, Iran has committed itself to not acquiring nuclear weapons. Thus the recent uncertainty concerning the country’s intentions is a serious development.

On the other hand, it is encouraging that Iran has reached agreement with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to suspend its uranium enrichment programme and to allow full access to its nuclear programme. The EU played a positive role in these efforts. But the suspension of the enrichment programme must be permanent, and Iran must keep its promise regarding full access. We must make it clear that Iran must not acquire nuclear weapons. It is important that the international community jointly arrives at a political solution to the Iran issue, and the chances of this happening will be enhanced if agreement is reached between the USA and Europe.

We deeply deplore North Korea’s announcement that it possesses nuclear weapons and that it is no longer willing to participate in new negotiations on these issues. North Korea’s position poses a real threat and a considerable challenge to the international efforts to prevent the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. It is now important that the six-party talks are resumed, with a view to finding a political solution.

Mr President,

NATO has safeguarded peace and democracy in Europe. Norway’s NATO membership is a cornerstone of our foreign and security policy. NATO’s rapid enlargement has drawn an increasing number of countries into the community of values on which the Alliance is built. Through its peacekeeping operations NATO has also supported the forces of democracy and helped to secure peace in the Balkans and Afghanistan.

The USA and Europe have traditionally co-operated on taking responsibility for resolving international conflicts and dealing with humanitarian disasters. When I met my allied colleagues in Brussels last week, I discerned a willingness to strengthen transatlantic co-operation. The meeting showed that there is a genuine will for a more active dialogue between the USA and Europe.

I expect next week’s NATO summit to confirm this will. We can only meet today’s security threats through closer transatlantic co-operation. The USA also recognises this. Only by standing together can we contribute to lasting peace and stability in Afghanistan, the Middle East and Iraq.

In such a partnership the USA must be willing to listen to European views on issues that affect us all. But responsibility for closer transatlantic co-operation does not lie with the USA alone. Europe, too, must be willing to contribute. It is therefore encouraging that key European countries are now emphasising the importance of closer co-operation with the USA.

Because we are seeing clear signs of this. But at the same time there are signs that the dialogue between the USA and Europe on security policy issues will not take place only within NATO.

Key European countries like France and Germany wish to strengthen the direct dialogue with the USA on foreign and security policy issues, and they envisage a more independent role for the EU. Federal Chancellor Schröder’s statement at the weekend that NATO “is no longer the primary venue where transatlantic partners discuss and co-ordinate strategies” raises questions, and gives cause for concern. Germany has traditionally been Atlantic-oriented. Now NATO’s role is being called into question. NATO is fundamental to our foreign policy orientation.

A situation where the main part of the transatlantic dialogue takes place directly between the EU and the USA would pose significant challenges to Norway. We could risk becoming further marginalised.

At the same time it is important to build on the will that clearly exists, both in Europe and in the USA, to strengthen the dialogue and co-operation within NATO.

Afghanistan is a concrete example of how results can be achieved through close transatlantic co-operation. For example, the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan (ISAF) was a decisive factor in the success of the presidential election.

One of the main challenges in Afghanistan now is to facilitate, with the help of the international community, the parliamentary elections later this year. The security situation will probably continue to be tense until the elections.

NATO must therefore continue to help secure stability and security in the country. This is the main reason why ISAF’s reach is to be gradually extended westwards and southwards in the course of this year.

Norway will continue to make a substantial contribution to the NATO operation in Afghanistan, including outside Kabul. Today we are participating in a British-led provincial reconstruction team in Meymaneh in northern Afghanistan. We are discussing with the British the possibility of Norway taking over the leadership of the team later this year. This would be a natural continuation of our participation in northern Afghanistan, and would facilitate the further expansion of ISAF’s area of operation.

Although our efforts to combat the terrorist organisation Al-Qaida and the former Taliban regime have accomplished a great deal, parts of the network are still operating in areas close to the Pakistani border. They are a threat both to President Karzai’s government and to NATO’s stabilisation operation. What is more, they are a global threat. This is why the US-led Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) also continues to be necessary.

Norway was requested by the USA a while ago to provide special forces for this operation in 2005. The Government intends to comply with this request and contribute forces for a period of up to six months.

Norway’s contribution to Operation Enduring Freedom would be a follow-up of similar previous contributions. In 2002 and 2003, Norway contributed special forces, transport and fighter aircraft and mine clearers. These contributions functioned well, which is one of the reasons why the USA has again requested our assistance.

We have given priority to contributing to ISAF since NATO took over responsibility for it in 2003. However, we are now in a situation where a Norwegian contribution to Operation Enduring Freedom would not be at the expense of our participation in the NATO mission.

The primary aim of Norway’s participation in OEF would be to combat international terrorism while at the same time creating the security and stability in Afghanistan necessary to enable the NATO-led operation ISAF to continue to expand.

There is currently a discussion in NATO on better ways of co-ordinating the two operations in Afghanistan, OEF and ISAF. Co-ordination will be increasingly important as ISAF expands its sphere of operation southward and eastward in Afghanistan, where OEF is going on. In the long term it is possible that both operations could be placed under joint command. Norway would support such a move.

Another major challenge is the growth in narcotics production, which also affects our societies in the West. This trend has destructive consequences for the democratic process. President Karzai is giving high priority to combating this production. However, in order to succeed he needs the help of the international community, and it is especially important to include Afghanistan’s neighbours in these efforts. Norway is therefore taking part in co-operation projects under the auspices of, for example, the UN to combat the drug trafficking.

Norway is also participating in the important efforts being made by NATO to train Iraqi security forces. High-ranking Iraqi officers are being trained at NATO headquarters in Stavanger, and a new group will be starting next month. We also have a dialogue with the Iraqi authorities about the possibility of training Iraqi police officers in Norway.

Mr President,

The work on developing the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) continues, in line with the EU’s political goals. The EU wishes to take on greater responsibility in international issues, which will in the long term result in a more even burden-sharing between Europe and the USA. This would benefit the countries on both sides of the Atlantic.

In December the EU took over NATO’s military operation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in which Norway is also participating. This is unquestionably the EU’s largest military operation to date. If it is successful it will, we have to expect that this will strengthen the EU’s desire to further develop its common security and defence policy.

Other important decisions the EU has made in the field of security and defence policy are to establish a rapid reaction force and to co-operate more closely on defence materiel.

The establishment of a rapid reaction force is an important means of enhancing EU support for UN crisis management operations. I believe the establishment of military forces of this kind will make it easier for the UN to intervene at an earlier stage in regional conflicts.

The setting up of the Nordic rapid reaction force is going according to plan. As the Storting has already been informed, we are in the process of finalising the necessary agreements with Sweden and Finland on the establishment of the force. We are also conducting an exchange of letters with the EU concerning the conditions for Norwegian participation.

European defence materiel co-operation has recently been incorporated into the EU’s common security and defence policy. We will shortly conclude a co-operation agreement with the European Defence Agency. Our co-operation with the EDA will be an important element in our dialogue with the EU on defence policy issues. The agreement will provide for regular consultations and pave the way for Norwegian participation in EDA projects and programmes.

We are also conducting a dialogue with the EU on closer co-operation on civilian crisis management, including the EU’s plans for establishing a special civilian crisis management force. The tsunami disaster in South East Asia has made this matter even more pressing. This is an area in which we have experience. We have developed a new concept for civil crisis management operations abroad, which involves personnel from all parts of the judicial system. We have already made use of this force, which is called the Crisis Response Pool, on several occasions. Personnel from the Crisis Response Pool are currently in Georgia to assist in reforming the justice sector.

Mr President,

Although Norway has chosen to remain outside the EU, close co-operation in Europe is of great importance for our foreign policy. Developments in the EU are of major significance for the Government’s active European policy. The EU plays a significant role in ensuring peace, security and democracy in the whole of Europe.

2004 was a historic year. On 1 May, 10 new countries were admitted to the EU. But last year’s enlargement was not the end of the process. Bulgaria and Romania will become members in 2007, and the EEA will be enlarged correspondingly.

Croatia, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and Turkey have all applied for membership. And Ukraine’s new president has declared that membership is a long-term goal.

The EU’s decision to enter into membership negotiations with Turkey is a historic one. The prospect of membership is a strong incentive for democratic reform in the country. Although this heralds a new era in the EU’s enlargement process, Turkey’s membership still lies far ahead.

This will affect Norway. With time Turkey may become our partner in the internal market as well, with the opportunities and challenges this entails.

In June the EU heads of state and government adopted a treaty establishing a constitution for Europe, which is an important step in the EU’s further development. The constitutional treaty entails the implementation of reforms that will enable the EU institutions to continue to safeguard Community interests effectively after the upcoming enlargements. It will in other words lead to a simplification and democratisation of the EU.

For Norway, as for the rest of Europe, it is positive that the EU, through enlargement and treaty reform, is intensifying its efforts to promote stability, democracy and peaceful development.

But for Norway this also poses particular challenges. Gaining recognition for Norwegian interests and views will not become any easier as the EU grows larger and adopts more efficient decision-making procedures.

EU co-operation is affecting Norway to an increasing degree. At the same time our possibility of influencing this co-operation is diminishing as EU co-operation is being widened and deepened. This is something we have to take on board.

The Lisbon strategy, the EU’s strategy for the period 2000-2010 for enhancing competitiveness, is currently high on the Union’s agenda. But the EU is struggling to achieve the strategy’s goal of making Europe more competitive. Norway is facing some of the same structural challenges as the EU, and we share – and support – the goals of the strategy. It is important to maintain a balance between the strategy’s goal of economic growth on the one hand and environmental sustainability and social cohesion on the other. In practice this means preserving the best of the welfare state, while at the same time increasing competitiveness and taking environmental concerns into account.

The new European Neighbourhood Policy demonstrates the EU’s will to maintain and strengthen its ties with countries outside the Union. This was particularly clearly shown during the tense situation in connection with the elections in Ukraine. The role of the EU was crucial to the peaceful outcome and was a clear manifestation of the Union’s support for democracy and human rights.

Our internal and external security are becoming more and more closely interlinked. The EU is, to an increasing extent, employing both foreign policy measures and justice and home affairs policy measures to address the threats and challenges connected with human trafficking and other organised crime. These measures include partnership and co-operation with third countries on measures to promote democracy and welfare in these countries.

A particular challenge for Norway is to ensure that Schengen-related issues continue to be discussed in the Mixed Committee, especially as the issues are more and more often cross-sectoral, and their relevance to the Schengen co-operation less and less evident.

Mr President,

Norway is the EU’s most important partner in the fisheries sector. This gives us influence. During the past few years we have increasingly asserted our rights and demonstrated our determination to defend them.

Our relations with the EU in the fisheries sector are complicated by the fact that the EU is facing a number of internal challenges. In spite of internal resistance, the EU is working actively to control fish catches and overcapacity in the fishing fleet.

The management of our fish resources is based on the principle of sustainable harvesting. Norway places great emphasis on zonal attachment in cases where resources are shared between several countries. The co-operation between Norway and the EU on fish resources has yielded significant results, but important problems still remain to be resolved.

An important issue at the moment is the negotiations on Norwegian spring-spawning herring. There is a great discrepancy between Norway’s allotted share of the total allowable catch during recent years and the zonal attachment of the herring to Norway. In negotiations with the EU, Iceland, the Faroe Islands and Russia we have made it clear that we must be allotted a larger share of these fisheries.

The Government gives very high priority to ensuring stable and predictable market access for Norwegian fish and seafood exports. For 15 years our fish farming industry has faced dumping allegations and trade policy measures in the EU market.

Last week the EU introduced safeguard measures against the import of farmed salmon. The measures primarily affect Norway and Chile. The case was brought before the European Commission a year ago in the form of a complaint from the Scottish and Irish salmon farming industries. The Prime Minister, the Minister of Fisheries and Coastal Affairs and I have repeatedly raised this serious issue with EU member states and with members of the Commission.

This is not exclusively a conflict between Norway and the EU. It is also about the power struggle within the EU, between countries with a large processing industry and countries that wish to protect small raw material producers. Both EU consumers and the EU processing industry are losers in this conflict.

The Government has conducted a thorough evaluation of the complaint on which the measures are based, and is of the view that the safeguard measures are groundless and that the application of such measures violates the rules of the WTO. Now that the measures have been applied we have no choice but to submit the case to the WTO. In this situation the WTO rules are our best tool against arbitrariness, protectionism and the law of the jungle.

Mr President,

I will now briefly touch on a specific issue that the Storting’s Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs has previously requested more information about (cf. Recommendation S. No. 122 (2002-2003) and Document 8:144 (2002-2003)), namely the European Commission’s action plan concerning measures against the import of illegally felled timber. The EU is drafting a regulation that is expected to be adopted during the spring of 2005.

Naturally the Government shares the EU’s goal of preventing illegal felling and trade in illegally felled timber. We are therefore maintaining close contact with the Commission regarding the implementation of the action plan, among other things in order to consider whether closer co-operation would be advantageous. Norway will work actively to prevent the sale of illegally felled timber in other relevant multilateral forums as well. The International Tropical Timber Organisation (ITTO) should, for instance, be given a strengthened mandate to deal with problems related to illegal felling and certification programmes.

Mr President,

The Government has launched a broad review of challenges and opportunities in the northern areas, and will shortly publish a white paper on the subject. The main conclusion of the paper is that we see great opportunities in the north, not least as regards economic development. At the same time it is important to ensure that any development of the region is carried out in sustainable way.

Profound changes have taken place in the northern areas since the days of the cold war. At that time developments in the north were dominated by security policy, and our main challenge was to secure an allied presence in the north.

Today security policy issues have receded more into the background, and issues related to the environment and resources are high on the political agenda. Whereas during the cold war we could count on allied support for our northern areas policy, today we cannot take it for granted that our allies fully share our assessments and interests as regards the northern areas.

Our challenge will be to gain acceptance and support for Norway’s views and assessments. This applies particularly to the important task of weighing environmental concerns against the economic interests related to the exploitation of natural resources. We must put climate change in the Arctic on the political agenda, both at home and abroad.

The Arctic Council’s climate impact assessment showed that climate change in the Arctic is happening faster and will have greater impact than was previously thought. A new report on the Antarctic shows that the danger of a meltdown is also greater than we previously thought. Recent research in the polar areas thus shows that the changes are taking place more rapidly and seem to be of a greater magnitude than we assumed four or five years ago.

Global emissions of greenhouse gases must therefore be drastically reduced. Through the new emission allowance trading system, Norway has established a set of instruments that apply to most of our emissions. We stand by our Kyoto obligations, but in a global perspective they are far from sufficient. We are therefore working actively towards the establishment of a more comprehensive climate regime beyond 2012, and we are prepared to do our share.

The sustainable exploitation of natural resources is also part of the northern areas dialogue that the Government has initiated with key countries, which focuses on both security policy and energy policy issues. We have initiated such talks with Germany and the USA, and we will move on to countries such as France, the UK and Canada. In parallel with this we will intensify our co-operation with Russia in the north.

During my visit to northwestern Russia and Kirkenes a few weeks ago, I noted great optimism and enthusiasm on both sides of the border. I heard encouraging accounts of the great increase in trade and private sector co-operation and of the strong belief in the opportunities for development that will be opened up by oil and gas exploitation in the northern parts of both countries. But I also encountered, on both sides of the border, a fear that we politicians will not be able to keep pace with developments and the ensuing challenges.

Our bilateral co-operation with Russia is going well and covers a broad range of areas. The people-to-people co-operation in the Barents region is particularly successful. However, there is one central area where cross-border co-operation has not quite met expectations, and that is the private sector. It is true that trade between Norway and Russia has grown by more than 30 per cent during the past year and is gradually developing in the right direction. But a key factor, on which future progress depends, is long-term, stable and well-defined conditions, and these can be provided only by the Russian authorities. Any future exploitation of oil and gas deposits on land and offshore in the Barents Sea could unleash a great potential for economic co-operation.

It is important that questions related to environmental concerns and energy resources are given a more prominent place in our co-operation with the Russians, primarily in our bilateral co-operation, but also in the Arctic Council and the Barents co-operation. The white paper on the northern areas will propose specific measures related to the development of our bilateral co-operation and to the Barents co-operation and the Arctic Council.

We must also take a look at the instruments we have for co-operation in the north. In my opinion the Barents co-operation works very well at the regional level. Our three northernmost counties and the Barents secretariat play an important role in this. Trust has been built and an impressive cross-border network has been created. This gives us a good foundation for more ambitious political co-operation in the years to come.

The intergovernmental aspect of the Barents co-operation, which has functioned well for over 10 years, would in my opinion benefit from being reviewed and modernised. I will therefore take the initiative for an independent evaluation of this aspect of the co-operation.

The delimitation of the continental shelf and the 200-mile zones in the Barents Sea is an issue of great importance to both countries. The Government gives priority to reaching a delimitation agreement that takes the interests of both parties into account. But we still face considerable challenges. We must not let short-term concerns take precedence over finding a good solution for Norway that will also stand the test of time.

Our co-operation with Russia on fish stocks in the Barents Sea is an important part of our bilateral relations. Economic relations, research and management related to fisheries have generally functioned well and have constituted significant areas of common interest for many years. The sustainable use and management of living marine resources has been a key principle in this co-operation.

However, important aspects of this co-operation have proved to be challenging in recent years. This applies to controls on resource harvesting and to co-operation on scientific expeditions. Norway is making broad-based, persistent efforts to find good common solutions to the challenges we are facing. If we want to continue to be perceived as responsible, careful stewards of valuable resources in the future, we must succeed in this endeavour.

• Please read the French and the German version of the speech