Checked against delivery. Translated from Norwegian.

Mr President,

‘The initiative belongs to the small nations. For their lives are in peril.’ These words were spoken by author and civil activist Bjørnstjerne Bjørnson in 1899.

It was a warning about the harsh reality of great power politics.

And also, a reminder that ‘the small nations’ are not powerless.

It is these two points contained in this quote from Bjørnson that I would like to highlight here today.

We are living in a time when we are seeing:

  • more blatant use of force by major powers;
  • greater unpredictability; and
  • an even more serious security situation than when I gave my address to the Storting one year ago.

But we are not powerless.

We are strengthening our defence capability – together with our Allies.

We are investing in increasing our resilience.

We are strengthening our economic security.

Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney put it well when he said that ‘middle powers’ as he called them – and I would count Norway among them – are stronger when they stand together.

We are major economies and stable democracies with substantial resources and robust institutions.

The middle powers must act together and claim their seat at the table.

We must believe in ourselves.

But, we must also be honest about the challenges we face.

 

When we look around us, Mr President, the landscape is bleak.

Russia’s brutal war against Ukraine continues unabated.

Increasingly assertive major powers are disregarding international law and cooperation and displaying a greater willingness to use military and economic force.

Authoritarian states are gaining greater influence at the global level.

At the same time, Mr President, the defining characteristic of today’s world is its interdependence.

In many key areas – energy, climate, health, sustainable development, artificial intelligence and security – countries must work together to find solutions.

And in the long run, all of us will benefit from cooperation.

Mr President,

Over the past year, we have seen a significant reorientation of both US domestic and foreign policy.

Some of it was expected – including President Trump’s direct, provocative style.

Some developments reinforce long-standing political trends – such an increased demands for greater burden-sharing in NATO and a focus on China as the US’s main rival.

But many elements of the current administration’s agenda have manifested themselves differently and more forcefully than we had anticipated.

The political project appears more ideological and confrontational than during President Trump’s first term in office.

We are seeing repeated rhetorical attacks on Europe, grounded in the worldview of the MAGA movement.

Such as when the President of the United States told his European Allies during his speech at the UN: ‘Your countries are going to hell.’

 

Whereas in the past, the US was the leading proponent of rules-based international trade, tariffs are now being widely used.

They are being introduced and used – against Allies as well – not only as trade measures, but also as a tool to elicit concessions in completely unrelated areas.

We are seeing a willingness to challenge established norms both in the US and abroad.

We are seeing pressure being placed on the media and on independent institutions.

We are seeing a US that is withdrawing from binding international cooperation, including on climate issues and in the area of global health.

‘Unpredictability’ is becoming one of the defining features of the current administration.

This is creating a highly challenging situation, and it is giving rise to widespread uncertainty.

At the same time, the US under President Trump has managed to achieve a fragile ceasefire in Gaza – something the previous administration was not able to do.

 

President Trump’s stated ambition to incorporate Greenland into the US is the most difficult matter we have had deal with in our transatlantic relations for a long time.

It has undermined trust between Europe and the US.

Let me be very clear, Mr President:

  • Greenland is a part of the Kingdom of Denmark.
  • Norway supports the Kingdom of Denmark’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.
  • The future of Greenland can only be decided by the people of Greenland and Denmark.
  • And threats have no place among allies.

And I would like to add that there is broad consensus among NATO’s 32 member countries – including the US – on the need to enhance security in the Arctic, including security around Greenland. 

For Norway, as an Arctic nation and a neighbour to Russia, the way this issue is handled is critical.

It must be done correctly – within the NATO framework and in line with international law.

At the same time, we recognise that the greatest security challenges we are facing in the Arctic are in our neighbouring areas, in the northern Nordic region.

Over the past year, the seven Arctic NATO states have developed a common Allied position on NATO’s presence in the Arctic.

It is now well established.

Norway has played a key role in this process, providing knowledge and experience. We know a thing or two about the Arctic.

This is a region where NATO is working every single day to maintain security for all the Allies, not least the US.

 

President Trump has repeatedly claimed that the US receives nothing in return for its contribution to NATO.

I believe this analysis is incorrect.

Arctic security is an area that illustrates what I mentioned at the start of my address: the interdependence of today’s world where politics is not a zero-sum game, but rather where cooperation strengthens the security of all Allies.

This, Mr President, brings me to a core principle in Norwegian security policy:

We still share vital interests with our US Ally.

Not least because of our geography

We live in immediate proximity to Russia’s strategic nuclear weapons, which are situated on the Kola Peninsula. These weapons are not aimed at Norway – but at the US.

It means that Norway and North America share a common destiny.

And that Norway is closely tied to the protection of the US homeland.

This is why the US and Norwegian armed forces cooperate closely on a daily basis. This cooperation is in the interests of both nations, and it has, in fact, grown stronger, even over the past year.

It provides a firm foundation for our relationship with the US. It is collective security in action, Mr President.

We must not lose sight of this as we contend with a steady outpouring of startling statements.

We are actively engaged in areas where Norway and the US have shared interests – such as in our dealings with Russia in the north.

We will react when necessary, as we have done, together with our European partners, on the issue of Greenland.

And we will stand by our values.

Mr President,

Russia is preparing for a prolonged confrontation with Europe.

And as I have said before, but it is worth repeating here: Norway and NATO pose no threat to anyone.

It is our assessment that Russia does not currently see it as in its interests to seek a military conflict with Norway, a NATO country.

But Russia, our neighbour, has become more aggressive more willing to take risks, and has launched a full-scale war against another neighbouring country.

We are also seeing:

  • considerable intelligence activity;
  • influence operations and disinformation campaigns;
  • intensified rhetoric; and
  • long-term priority being given to the country’s defence sector.

Roughly half of Russia’s state budget – half – is being used for defence purposes.

At the same time, the country remains in a recession.

2026 looks set to be the most difficult year for the Russian economy since the start of the full‑scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022.

We are seeing ongoing manipulation of economic data and harsh oppression to prevent social unrest.

For Norway, Russia continues to be the primary security threat.

An aggressive Russia that is willing to take risks must be deterred from threatening Norwegian or Allied security.

Norway will continue to act in a consistent and predictable manner.

Within the framework of NATO, we will work to reduce the risk of conflict and misunderstandings.

This is why we are also maintaining contact in certain areas – such as border administration, search and rescue, and fisheries management – as well as keeping some diplomatic and military channels of communication open.

Mr President,

It is almost four years since Russia launched its full-scale war against Ukraine.

Russia is advancing slowly, but at an enormous cost.

Last autumn, in the course of just two months, Russia is reported to have lost as many soldiers as the US lost in two decades in Vietnam.

The level of brutality is without parallel in recent European history.

With temperatures down to minus 20 degrees, Russia’s attacks on power plants, district heating systems and other civilian infrastructure have continued with a cynicism that can only be described as criminal.

Hundreds of thousands of people are without electricity for many hours a day.

The scale of humanitarian need is enormous.

Nevertheless, Ukraine perseveres.

Infrastructure is being repaired on an ongoing basis.

Morale remains strong.

Ukraine’s defence capabilities are impressive – reinforced by a great capacity for innovation and extensive international support.

And I would like to add, Mr President, that the broad support for the Nansen Support Programme for Ukraine here in the Storting has enabled Norway to provide predictable and stable support.

Of the NOK 85 billion allocated to Ukraine for 2026, NOK 70 billion will be provided as military support.

Our support is targeted towards measures that will strengthen Ukraine’s military power as effectively and rapidly as possible and areas that Ukraine itself has identified as priorities – including air defence, ammunition and drones.

In this way, together with our partners, we are supporting Ukraine in its legitimate fight to defend itself and helping to ensure that Ukraine is in the strongest possible position in the event of a future ceasefire.

Norway will stand with Ukraine when that time comes too – and will provide civilian, military and humanitarian support.

The most effective guarantee against future Russian attacks is a strong Ukrainian defence.

This is why we have said that we are open to the possibility of contributing to a multinational force in Ukraine once a ceasefire and peace agreement are in place – in order to be able to continue training the Ukrainian Armed Forces.

The Government will present a proposal for how Norway should contribute once the framework for such a multinational force is clearer.

 

Mr President,

Norway stands with Ukraine.

We want peace in Ukraine – and no one wants peace more than the Ukrainian people.

Norway has therefore been actively involved in discussions with Ukraine, the US and European Allies about how a ceasefire might be achieved and what it should entail.

From what I have seen, the Ukrainian leadership is seeking solutions and being realistic in this process.

We have yet to see a similar willingness from Russia.

As we well know, Russia bears full responsibility for the war.

Russia could choose to end the war at any time.

Instead, it continues its relentless bombing of civilians.

Russia’s objectives remain unchanged.

President Putin is still seeking:

  • political dominance over Ukraine;
  • full control of the annexed regions;
  • a permanent veto on future NATO membership for Ukraine; and
  • a fundamental restructuring of Europe’s security architecture.

But, Mr President, even after four years of war, Russia has not achieved any of these goals.

Russia is not invincible – however much it would like to appear so.

The reality is that throughout all of 2025, Russia captured 0.8 % of Ukrainian territory, compared to 0.6 % the year before.

Neither side looks to have a decisive advantage at the front.

However, the economic sanctions against the Russian economy and our continued support for Ukraine’s fight to defend itself will influence the further course of the war.

We support Ukraine in the efforts to reach a peace agreement.

But we must be realistic: Russia appears intent on continuing – rather than ending – this war.

 

Mr President,

In this more dangerous, more unpredictable situation, we must pull together here at home to do what it takes to safeguard Norway.

On 8 May 2025, the Government presented Norway’s first National Security Strategy.

It sets out three main priorities:

  • defence capability
  • resilience
  • economic security.

I will talk about all three. First, Norway’s defence capability.

It is one of the great strengths of our country, Mr President, that the parties in the Storting came together in the previous parliamentary period to adopt the Long-term Defence Plan.

It showed a clear willingness to do what it takes to significantly strengthen our defence capability.

Now, our focus is on implementing the plan.

In certain key areas, for example when it comes to personnel, we are ahead of schedule.

But as stated previously, we see that there is a need to develop the plan further:

First, we must give greater priority to implementing the operating budget. It has become even more important to ensure that our Armed Forces have the capabilities they need right now. This must take precedence over new investments.

Second, we are seeing an extraordinary increase in the price of the defence materiel needed to ensure that our Armed Forces are fit for the modern era. We are getting less for our money, and lead times are also long.

Third, rapid, wide-ranging technological developments are under way. Drones are the clearest example of this. They have changed modern warfare, as we are seeing in Ukraine.

Fourth, NATO is demanding more of its members.

In light of these four factors, there will be a need to make further major adjustments to the Long-term Defence Plan.

It will continue to be in Norway’s interest to a secure the support of a broad majority in the Storting for any such adjustments.

The Government looks forward to engaging in dialogue with the parties in the Storting on how to move this process forward.

 

Mr President,

In order to maintain a credible defence, Norway is dependent on support and reinforcements from Allies, especially the US. This will be made clear in March during the Cold Response exercise, where 25 000 soldiers from 13 countries will be training together in Norway, with the largest contingent coming from the US.

As I have emphasised, we are working to maintain our security cooperation with the US – in line with our long-term, common interests.

At the same time, we have never relied solely on the US to ensure Norwegian security.

We have always worked to secure the engagement of our European Allies.

We are now giving priority to fostering closer, more clearly defined cooperation with our northern European Allies.

We call this our hedging strategy.

The purpose is to reinforce the foundation that underpins Norwegian security.

Deeper, more binding cooperation with the countries around us will:

  • enhance deterrence and strengthen our collective military power; and
  • lead to an increased Allied presence in areas that are important for us.

We have succeeded in increasing awareness, understanding and knowledge of security issues in our own region.

We attach great importance to regional cooperation arenas such as NORDEFCO, the primary framework for strengthening defence cooperation between the Nordic countries.

We are all part of NATO now – part of NATO’s regional plans, and part of the NATO Joint Force Command in Norfolk, Virginia.

We are intensifying our cooperation with the UK-led Joint Expeditionary Force (JEF), which also includes the Netherlands, and the Baltic and Nordic countries.

We are expanding our cooperation with key countries in our region, such as the UK, Germany France and the Netherlands – and also with partners such as Poland and Canada.

Through new, binding partnership agreements, we are strengthening our operational cooperation with these countries.

We are clarifying how we will support each other in the event of a crisis or war.

And through joint defence procurement, we are achieving economies of scale, increased operational effect and enhanced interoperability.

Strengthening European defence capability will reinforce the security guarantee enshrined in Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty.

It will also make NATO more relevant to the US and help to keep the US engaged in the defence of Europe.

 

Mr President,

The second strategic priority in our National Security Strategy is to enhance the resilience of Norwegian society.

In the course of 2026, the Government will be presenting its first-ever long-term plan for civil preparedness.

This will focus in particular on improving the security of critical infrastructure, such as the power supply, electronic communications and transport.

We have circulated for review proposals for more stringent security and preparedness requirements designed to protect the national power grid.

We are spending NOK 400 million in 2026 alone on measures to enhance the resilience of Norway’s digital infrastructure.

We are taking steps to limit the ability of malicious actors to operate in Norway, through deterrence, prevention and countermeasures.

We are strengthening the efforts of the police and the intelligence and security services (EOS services) to prevent and counter sabotage, hostile influence operations and other threats.

And we have significantly strengthened the efforts of the police to combat organised crime.

 

This year has been designated ‘Total Defence Year’. In the course of 2026, we will be carrying out more exercises. The aim is to improve our ability to:

  • protect the civilian population in the event of a war;
  • back up military operations; and
  • maintain critical public functions in all crisis situations.

As part of the work to follow up the white paper on total preparedness (Meld. St. 9 2024–2025), we are now updating our entire emergency preparedness system at national, regional and local level.

We are reviewing our preparedness plans.

We are cooperating with the business sector to ensure adequate preparedness with regard to food, fuel and other critical goods.

And we are inviting the business community, the employer and employee organisations, the voluntary sector and other actors in society to cooperate more closely with us to enhance our national preparedness and security.

 

And we must not forget the crucial importance of democracy, the rule of law, human rights, robust editor-controlled media and academic freedom in ensuring our resilience and national security.

This is our foundation.

In responding to the challenges posed by disinformation, polarisation and algorithm-driven media platforms, we are stepping up:

  • efforts in schools to improve young people’s ability to evaluate the credibility of sources; and
  • our work to strengthen regulation of the tech giants.

These efforts are important in themselves.

They are also crucial in increasing the resilience of Norwegian society.

 

Mr President,

Economic security is the last of the three main strategic priorities in our National Security Strategy

Protectionist measures, export restrictions and other trade barriers are on the rise.

This is having an impact on our open economy.

We export almost half of what we produce in Norway. A fifth of all our jobs are linked to the export sector.

And we are completely dependent on imports, whether clothing or machinery.

We must deal with complex issues at the intersection between security, economic affairs and technology.

New technologies, such as artificial intelligence, create opportunities – but also vulnerabilities.

At the same time, we are seeing that completely legitimate calls for regulation of new technology are being met with pressure and threats of sanctions.

In our efforts to strengthen our economic security, we are working along several tracks:

We will ensure that the Norwegian economy remains strong, through sound economic governance and measures to increase Norwegian competitiveness.

We have taken on a leading role in the efforts to reform the World Trade Organization (WTO).

And as WTO Director General Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala reminded us in January, close to 80 % of all trade is still carried out in line with the WTO rules.

We are expanding our trade ties.

Since 2023, we have entered into six new trade agreements, with, among others, India and the Mercosur countries – Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay and Paraguay.

We are working to reduce vulnerabilities in our economic cooperation with other countries, by ensuring:

  • greater focus on reducing dependencies;
  • broader control of investments;
  • more effective export control; and
  • increased vigilance in our dealings with countries with which Norway has no established security cooperation, such as China.

And underpinning all of this, we are intensifying our dialogue with the business sector and other actors in society about how we can work together to enhance our security.

 

Mr President,

Our National Security Strategy is essentially also a Europe strategy.

We will do our part to promote European unity – between countries both within and outside the EU.

It is in Europe that we find the community of shared values and interests that most clearly reflect our own.

It is here that we find our most important markets

This is why we are intensifying our political efforts to maintain the EEA Agreement.

NATO remains the cornerstone of Europe’s military defence. It is within NATO that we have our collective defence structures and plans.

At the same time, we are further developing our partnership with the EU in the areas of defence, security and civil preparedness.

And we are working together to strengthen the European defence industry – an area where we participate as a fully-fledged partner in a number of major EU programmes.

The fact that the EU is intensifying its focus on security and emergency preparedness is good for Norway.

The effect will be not to replace, but rather to complement NATO.

It will strengthen the European pillar of the Alliance.

And Norway has a great deal to offer the EU, in areas such as the high-tech defence industry and space sector.

Norway provides one third of Europe’s gas

This is an important contribution to European security.

It opens up opportunities for Norwegian and European companies.

And again, Mr President, energy security is one of the areas where the interdependence between countries is most clearly seen – and where cooperation brings significant benefits to the parties involved.

 

Mr President,

I started this address with a quote from Bjørnstjerne Bjørnson.

In these unrelenting times, when there is a new sense of gravity, it is important not to lose heart.

We are not powerless.

The work to enhance our national security begins with essential fundamental tasks – such as taking care of our children and young people and building vibrant inclusive communities across the country.

This is what the Government’s Plan for Norway aims to do.

We are in a strong position to be able to deal with whatever comes our way. Our country has:

  • robust institutions;
  • a high level of trust;
  • substantial economic resources;
  • a long tradition of cooperation; and
  • well-functioning tripartite cooperation between government, employer organisations and employee organisations.

Together with our Allies, in NATO, in Europe and with like-minded partners in other regions of the world, we will seize the initiative.

Safeguard our country.

Defend rules that continue to provide mutual benefits – such as in the areas of international trade and global health.

At the same time, we will also continue to seek a higher ground.

Norway will speak out for peace and justice across the world – from Ukraine to Palestine and Sudan.

We will continue to defend the fundamental principles of the UN Charter and international law.

We will support initiatives that can lead to balanced disarmament.

We will promote climate action and work to ensure that people all over the world have access to clean, renewable energy.

Our approach is not based on naivety, but on realism:

Without common rules, everyone loses.

And if we want to preserve the rules, we must step up – seek cooperation, promote diplomacy and dare to stand up for what we believe in.

We must actively engage with the world around us.

 

As US historian Timothy Snyder said at the Vestland Conference in Bergen earlier this week: the most important thing all of us can do is to participate in our local communities.

This is how we take responsibility. This builds trust. It strengthens our democracy, and it increases our resilience.

And all our actions together, Mr President, will help to keep our country safe.