2 Corruption: Concepts, Drivers, and the International Framework
2.1 The term ‘corruption’ and how it is defined
‘Corruption’ is widely used to cover actions involving ‘the abuse of entrusted power for private gain’, which is how Transparency International defines the term. The United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC)3 does not define corruption, but it identifies many different forms of corruption in the public sector, such as bribery, illicit enrichment, trading in influence and abuse of functions, as well as various corrupt activities in the private sector. According to Article 1 of the OECD Convention on Combating Bribery of Foreign Public Officials in International Business Transactions, states parties are required to make it a criminal offence to offer, promise or give any bribe to a foreign public official in order to obtain or retain a business or other improper advantage.
‘Corruption’ as used in Norwegian criminal law includes providing or accepting bribes in the form of money, gifts or services. The term is not entirely clear-cut, and in its broad sense also encompasses influencing how others conduct their work, known as trading in influence. Section 387 of the Penal Code sets out the penalties for actions that come within the scope of ‘corruption’:
A penalty of a fine or imprisonment for a term not exceeding three years shall be applied to any person who
- for himself/herself or others demands, receives or accepts an offer of an improper advantage in connection with the conduct of a position, an office or performance of an assignment, or
- gives or offers any person an improper advantage in connection with the conduct of a position, an office or performance of an assignment.
‘Position’, ‘office’ or ‘assignment’ in the first paragraph also means a position, office or assignment abroad.
The provision does not distinguish between private and public corruption, and both types fall within its scope. However, it is particularly serious if public officials accept bribes. Aggravated corruption is punishable by imprisonment for up to 10 years, as set out in section 388 of the Penal Code.
In addition to these paragraphs of the Penal Code, provisions in a range of other acts, regulations, administrative measures, control mechanisms and ethical guidelines are used to prevent and combat corruption in Norway (see Appendix 1 for more detailed information).
Petty corruption, grand corruption, political corruption and strategic corruption
For analytical purposes, corruption can be divided into four types based on the actors involved, the amount of money concerned and the context. These four types are petty corruption, grand corruption, political corruption and strategic corruption.
Petty corruption refers to acts of corruption that occur during interactions between low- and mid-level public officials and private citizens, often in connection with the provision of public services or in order to avoid penalties for offences. While it often involves the exchange of money, petty corruption may also include other material and immaterial goods, including sexual activity. Petty corruption particularly influences the quality and accessibility of public services such as health care and education. Low-income and other vulnerable groups are hardest hit by this type of corruption. It may also have an impact on companies and business owners that require licences or transport and customs clearances, and on tax collection. In addition, petty corruption may undermine the quality of public services and infrastructure.
Bangladesh: A window on grand corruption
In the summer of 2024 the regime of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was ousted following large-scale demonstrations initiated by students. The original cause of the demonstrations was a law granting preferential civil-service job quotas to the descendants of those who fought for independence from Pakistan in 1971. In practice, the people who benefited were primarily supporters of Prime Minister Hasina’s Awami League party, and the students were protesting against their own reduced employment prospects as well as corruption and nepotism. After the regime’s bloody attempt to crush the uprising resulted in thousands of injuries and deaths, the Government fell and an interim government led by Nobel Peace Prize laureate Muhammad Yunus took over. This Monsoon Revolution, as it was called, opened a window on the huge scale of the corruption practised by the former regime. Over the previous 16 years, the Hasina regime had illegally channelled billions of dollars to banks abroad – money obtained from large infrastructure projects and from coercing banks to enter into loan agreements with companies linked to officials, with the party or with other banks whose boards were appointed by the regime.
Grand corruption refers to systemic action by high-level politicians, public officials and business people to obtain unfair advantages. When corruption becomes an integrated part of the political and economic system, it is difficult to combat. Public funds that should go health care, education and infrastructure end up in the pockets of corrupt bureaucrats, politicians and business people. In such societies power becomes an instrument of personal enrichment rather than entailing an obligation to serve the citizenry. Corruption also undermines market competition by giving advantages to actors with political connections, thus weakening innovation and economic growth.
Grand corruption often involves financial transactions across multiple jurisdictions as well as the misuse of public funds. Grand corruption has a significant impact on the performance of government institutions and affects both individuals and society as a whole. When contracts are overpriced, public investments are skewed or the quality of work and services declines. It can also lead to the plunder of natural resources for private gain, often through cooperation between public and private actors. When corruption becomes endemic and deeply rooted in the structures of society, it undermines confidence in institutions, weakens the rule of law and leads to economic and social inequality.
Political corruption is misuse of a political position to secure power, status and wealth for leaders and their allies. Examples include election fraud such as buying votes, repressing opposition and receiving illegal campaign contributions in exchange for advantages. This often occurs through networks in which employment is not based on abilities or skills. Political corruption can lead to ‘state capture’, in which a corrupt network controls the state and protects itself from investigation.
Strategic corruption describes the activities of certain regimes to undermine governance in other countries, for example by weakening institutions or buying political influence, in order to advance geopolitical priorities.
Illustration: iStock/Bobboz
2.2 Drivers of corruption and anti-corruption efforts: What works and why
Corruption arises under particular circumstances. To combat corruption effectively, it is necessary to understand both its underlying drivers and the kinds of situations that provide opportunities for taking action. Such opportunities may appear with shifts in policy, leadership or public attention – for example, when a new regime comes to power or a scandal prompts calls for reform. It may then be possible to adopt new laws, gain acceptance for expert advice or begin the process of tracing and recovering funds. But such opportunities may be short-lived. There is therefore no universal solution to the problem of corruption. Measures to combat it must be tailored to suit both specific challenges and the political window of opportunity that exists at a particular time.
Drivers of corruption can be divided into four main categories: 1) social and behavioural drivers, 2) problems associated with formal rules and incentives, 3) collective action problems and 4) corruption’s functional role, which provide insight into how corruption can be fought using targeted strategies.
2.2.1 Social and behavioural drivers:
Corruption is not just the result of weak legislation and poor enforcement; it is also shaped by social norms, cultural expectations and human behaviour. To fight it effectively, we must understand how social mechanisms influence individuals’ choices and how norms that are widely accepted can lower the threshold for unethical behaviour. Informal social norms and practices often conflict with formal, legal norms promoted by the international community. The behaviour of local decision-makers is guided to a much greater extent by informal norms and practices than by imported formal rules.
Social and behavioural drivers of corruption arise when decisions are based on expectations of reciprocity, loyalty to a group, stereotypes or ideologies that provide a justification for corruption. In societies where social status is closely linked to financial success, regardless of how achieved, corruption may be socially accepted and in some cases expected. This may also be true where people in positions of power are expected to give more back to a certain group than to others. Cultural norms and individual preferences may also cause corruption to be seen as a necessity or a legitimate practice within families, clans, groups or political parties.
Effective anti-corruption measures must therefore take into account the social norms that sustain corruption. This means that behaviour-based approaches are needed, focusing not only on punishment and control but also on changing what is viewed as acceptable within local communities, organisations and institutions.
2.2.2 Problems associated with formal rules and incentives:
Corruption arises when the formal rules that govern the work of public officials are inadequate or when control mechanisms are weak or lacking and enforcement is weak.
When the risk of exposure, investigation, prosecution, conviction or punishment is perceived as low, the incentives to engage in corruption become stronger. Regardless of whether the problems are related to the legislation itself or to how it is enforced, the result is that public officials lack the necessary incentives to obey the law. An exclusive emphasis on formal rules may lead to more and more rules not being implemented. When introducing formal changes, therefore, it is important to be aware of the informal circumstances that affect implementation and compliance.
Effective measures against corruption require legislative reform, stronger law enforcement institutions and measures to strengthen the accountability of public officials. Such legal and institutional changes are a vital basis for combating corruption but are insufficient on their own. As discussed in chapter 1, social norms and behaviour patterns must also be addressed if lasting change is to be achieved.
2.2.3 Collective action problems:
Corruption is reinforced in environments where there is a widespread perception that everyone else is acting corruptly. In this situation, distrust of the authorities and fellow citizens is often pervasive, as is a belief that there is insufficient political will to enforce anti-corruption laws and introduce effective measures to counteract, detect and punish violations.
In societies where corruption and abuse of power are widespread, leaders often tend to normalise this culture by setting a bad example. Combating this type of corruption requires measures that raise awareness of the societal costs of corruption as well as the establishment of mechanisms such as integrity pacts, notification channels, helplines and whistleblower protections. Such initiatives help to build trust among key actors and restore the authorities’ credibility, especially in high-risk processes such as public procurement.
2.2.4 Corruption’s functional role:
Corruption may arise and become entrenched because it offers solutions to problems with deep structural roots in a society, including financial inequality and institutional weaknesses such as unnecessary bureaucracy and a lack of confidence in the state.
Election victories can be secured through corrupt practices involving cooperation with wealthy campaign contributors and the embezzlement of public funds to buy votes. Bribes and personal connections can be used to gain access to important services, scarce resources such as licences and contracts, or job opportunities. Networks based on patronage and clientelism often serve as effective tools in resource distribution and political mobilisation.
To combat corruption, anti-corruption actors must first understand what needs it satisfies for the people involved and offer alternative solutions that address the underlying causes.
Corruption problems generally arise as a result of several factors acting together. It is therefore crucial to identify as many drivers as possible so that anti-corruption measures can be tailored and fine-tuned to the specific situation.
All successful efforts to combat the drivers of corruption centre on inclusive good governance, under which institutions and processes exhibit transparency, accountability and integrity – core values that the global community has pledged to promote through Sustainable Development Goal 16. A well-functioning state governed by the rule of law and with clear legislation, effective control mechanisms, strong institutions and adequate resources is crucial in preventing and combating corruption and other economic crime.
2.3 The global framework for combating corruption
Since the mid-1990s, corruption has been addressed as a global problem. An increasing number of international agreements and initiatives in the past 25 years have expanded and clarified the approach to combating corruption. The anti-corruption agenda is now an established part of the foreign and development policy debate.
The UN Convention against Corruption (UNCAC) 4 was adopted in 2003, has 192 states parties and is the only universal instrument in the battle against global corruption. With its comprehensive approach and binding provisions on prevention, criminalization and law enforcement, international cooperation, and asset recovery, the UNCAC is a key framework for ensuring that democratic societies remain transparent, fair and inclusive. Every two years, the states parties to the convention assemble to discuss progress and challenges in implementing their obligations under the convention.
The OECD Convention on Combating Bribery of Foreign Public Officials in International Business Transactions,5 also known as the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention, was adopted in 1997 and entered into force in 1999. The convention establishes legally binding standards to criminalise bribery of foreign public officials in international business transactions. It contains a range of measures that make this more effective. The convention is supplemented by four OECD recommendations, as follows:
- 2021 OECD Recommendation for Further Combating Bribery of Foreign Public Officials in International Business Transactions
- 2009 OECD Recommendation on Tax Measures for Further Combating Bribery
- 2019 OECD Recommendation on Bribery and Officially Supported Export Credits
- 2016 OECD Recommendation for Development Co-operation Actors on Managing Risks of Corruption
The Group of States against Corruption (GRECO) was established in 1999 by the Council of Europe to strengthen the capacity of member states to fight corruption. GRECO monitors states’ compliance with the organisation’s anti-corruption standards using a dynamic process involving mutual evaluation and peer pressure. It helps to identify deficiencies in national anti-corruption policies, prompting the necessary legislative, institutional and practical reforms. GRECO also provides a platform for sharing best practices in the prevention and detection of corruption. Other regional conventions include the Inter-American Convention against Corruption adopted by the Organization of American States in 1996 and the African Union Convention on Preventing and Combating Corruption, adopted in 2003.
The Financial Action Task Force (FATF) was established in 1989 by the G7 countries to combat money laundering and financing of terrorism. The FATF is an intergovernmental organisation (Norway is one of 40 member states), which develops and promotes international standards to protect the financial system from illegal activities, in part through the 40 recommendations it has issued to serve as a basis for national legislation and action. The FATF evaluates member states’ implementation of these standards. Jurisdictions demonstrating poor compliance with the recommendations may appear on the FATF’s ‘grey list’ or ‘black list’, designations that may result in economic sanctions and restrictions on access to the international financial market. The organisation cooperates closely with international actors such as the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the United Nations to strengthen global efforts to combat economic crime.
The G20 established a permanent G20 Anti-Corruption Working Group (ACWG) at its summit in Seoul in November 2010. The group develops guidelines and strategies for both the public and private sectors, focusing on areas such as transparency, integrity and law enforcement. The group promotes international cooperation, particularly through sharing best practices and it supports the implementation of international anti-corruption standards, including those set out in the UN Convention against Corruption (UNCAC) and the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention. The ACWG also cooperates with organisations such as the UN, the FATF, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. Norway participated in the G20 as a guest country in 2024 and 2025.