Mr President,

It is now 75 years since the Schuman Declaration was signed. The declaration provided the basis for the creation of the European Coal and Steel Community, and was intended to bring about economic integration that would make another war between Germany and France impossible. The Coal and Steel Community was to become the precursor to the EU as we know it today.

The first sentence of the Schuman Declaration reads as follows: ‘World peace cannot be safeguarded without the making of creative efforts proportionate to the dangers which threaten it.’

The declaration reflects the enormous challenges Europe was facing at the time, and the way in which creative politicians constructed new solutions to deal with these challenges.

Back then, the task was to rebuild Europe after two destructive world wars.

The EU was forged both as part of and as a contribution to a liberal world order. The world was on a path towards more free trade, based on international law, common rules and respect for democracy and human rights.

The same is true of the Agreement on the European Economic Area or EEA Agreement, Norway’s most important agreement with the EU. When it was signed a little over 30 years ago, the EU’s main strategic focus was on building the internal market, with free movement of goods, services, capital and persons. The EEA Agreement was developed in a time of great optimism, just a few years after the end of the Cold War.

Norway became part of the EU internal market through the EEA Agreement, and thus part of the EU process that at the time was most important to Norwegian interests. We have enjoyed growing prosperity as a result of our choice. Since then, we have chosen to cooperate closely with the EU in a range of new areas where this has been to our advantage.

But today, the world order we have all known for the past 80 years is under severe pressure.

There is war in Europe. Geopolitical tensions are rising. Trade wars are causing global disruption. Europe’s security, independence and competitiveness are in jeopardy.

These new circumstances are making the EU’s position more difficult. At the same time, the existence of the EU has become even more important for the defence of the values on which it was founded – both within and outside Europe.

The world has become more challenging for the EU, and also more challenging for Norway. We have strong ties to the EU through the EEA Agreement, but this arrangement also has its limits. Some of the challenges Norway is facing today are in areas that are not within the scope of the EEA Agreement.

We chose to accept these limits ourselves by deciding not to become part of the EU cooperation. The EEA Agreement was never intended to include either the Customs Union or the EU’s Common Trade Policy.

Last week, we saw a clear demonstration of how the gap between the EEA Agreement and the EU’s Common Trade Policy can leave Norway in a vulnerable situation. The EU made the decision to impose definitive safeguard measures on imports of certain ferroalloys, and to apply them to all third countries, including the EEA EFTA countries. The main reason this situation has arisen is that the world has changed dramatically since we became part of the European Economic Area over 30 years ago. We in Norway have to recognise that we are now dealing with very different circumstances.

To paraphrase the Schuman Declaration, we must meet this situation by making creative efforts proportionate to the dangers which threaten us.

This is vital for our security, for Norway’s competitiveness and for jobs throughout Norway.

Mr President,

‘Europe is in a fight.’ This was how President of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen began her annual State of the Union Address on 10 September this year. She continued by saying that this is a fight for a continent that is whole and at peace, for a free and independent Europe, for democratic values and for the right to self-determination. It is a fight for the future of Europe.

President von der Leyen’s words demonstrate the gravity of the situation now affecting Europe. Neither the EU nor the EEA countries have any experience of living in a world like the one that is now emerging.

The EU is working intensively to adapt to a new and more challenging international situation. We can see that the EU is developing into a very different kind of trade and security policy actor.

In designing policy to meet these new challenges, the EU is making greater use of its Common Trade Policy and cross-sectoral packages, which include some elements that are within the scope of the EEA Agreement, while others fall outside its scope. Norway is therefore experiencing a widening gap between legislation that applies to the EU countries only and legislation included in the EEA Agreement.

Mr President,

The issue of safeguard measures on ferroalloys illustrates the challenges Norway can face when the EU needs to protect its own industry against unfair competition or global overcapacity. Such measures create uncertainty and unpredictability, both for Norway’s economic integration and for pan-European value chains that we are part of.

These safeguard measures do not specifically target Norway and Iceland, although they apply to both countries. We share many of the EU’s concerns about the impacts of global overcapacity on European industry. However, our position is that safeguard measures must be designed in such a way that they also protect pan-European value chains – and the entire internal market, which consists of 30 countries, not just the EU 27.

We have been working on this issue ever since the EU announced that it was considering the introduction of safeguard measures in December last year. There is no disagreement about the fact that the WTO Agreement entitles the EU to introduce such safeguard measures targeting third countries, given the serious problems the European ferroalloy industry is facing as a result of cheap imports from Asia. Nor has Norway argued against the EU’s right to protect its own industry.

However, working closely with Iceland and Liechtenstein, the Government has argued that the EEA Agreement precludes the imposition of these safeguard measures on Norway and the other EEA EFTA countries. In our view, the conditions set out in Articles 112 and 113 of the EEA Agreement are not fulfilled, and the EU is therefore not entitled to impose safeguard measures on the EEA EFTA countries in this case. Our position was that it should be possible to devise measures to protect the entire internal market. We have worked systematically together, first vis-à-vis the European Commission and then with each of the EU member countries, to put forward our views on this matter. For a long time, it was an open question what the final result would be and what the EU would decide. In the end, after a number of delays and widespread disagreement between member countries, the Commission obtained support from a sufficient number of countries.

Shortly after we were notified of the result, we met representatives of the EU at the EEA Council meeting on 20 November. The EEA Council is the highest-level political body of the EU–EEA cooperation. At the Council meeting, we made it very clear to the EU that we strongly disagree with their assessment and decision in this matter. It was important for us to obtain assurances from the EU that this is a very special case and not the result of a change in the EU’s approach. We received such assurances both from the European Commission and from the Presidency of the Council of the EU. These assurances are important. However, the world is changing rapidly, and we cannot rule out the possibility that similar issues may also arise in other sectors.

Even though we disagree with the EU on the interpretation of the EEA Agreement in this particular case, we are entirely in agreement on the importance of the Agreement.

In the time ahead, the most important task as part of Norway’s European policy will be to work together with our EEA EFTA partners vis-à-vis the EU to maintain the integrity of the internal market. In this way, we can ensure a predictable framework and market access for the Norwegian business sector despite the changed circumstances.

When it comes to follow-up of this specific case, it should be noted that the EEA Agreement provides for consultations to be held when safeguard measures are imposed. The provision requires the EEA Joint Committee to hold consultations on the safeguard measures for ferroalloys every three months in the time ahead. Consultations on safeguard measures are held with a view to abolishing the measures before the date of expiry or limiting their scope. We are following up this matter. Together with the industry and the social partners, we will be looking at how Norwegian exports are affected and what we can do to ensure that the framework for the Norwegian business sector is as predictable as possible.

There have been suggestions that we should respond to the EU’s decision by introducing countermeasures. This would not be in Norway’s best interests. I would like to reiterate that in the EU’s opinion, the safeguard measures are in line with the EEA Agreement. We disagree with their interpretation, and our view is that the conditions for introducing such measures are not fulfilled. In this particular case, we are dealing with disagreement on a point of law that has not previously come to a head in this way. But it would not be in Norway’s interests to contravene the EEA Agreement by introducing countermeasures. This would be a risky approach to take. As a small country with an open economy, Norway is dependent on market access to the EU. This means that we should not do anything to jeopardise our most important trade agreement.

Any countermeasures that are incompatible with the EEA Agreement would be liable to weaken the Agreement, and we would be gambling with 450 000 Norwegian jobs. It would be irresponsible to do this. I am pleased that our EEA EFTA partners Iceland and Liechtenstein share this view. Iceland’s Foreign Minister Þorgerður Katrín Gunnarsdóttir has publicly said that she advises strongly against this idea.

The ferroalloy industry has made it very clear that their most important concern is retaining access to the European market. Producing input factors is of limited value if there is no market where the goods can be sold.

At a time when trade policy tensions are rising globally, it is vital that Europe stands as united as possible. In our view, the EU and the EEA EFTA countries have clear common interests in this area. Norwegian companies are closely integrated into European value chains, and Norway has a large supply industry. This means that if European manufacturing struggles because of high costs, there will also be negative impacts on the Norwegian business sector.

Remaining outside the EU’s Common Trade Policy and Customs Union was not a problem for Norway as long as the rest of the world was moving towards more rules-based trade and markets were opening up globally.

But the current geopolitical situation is very different. We are now facing challenges of a kind that we have not really experienced during more than 30 years of cooperation under the EEA Agreement. And there are no easy solutions to these challenges. We are having to navigate in a changed landscape, where both we and the EU will need to make difficult decisions.

It is vital to ensure the competitiveness of the European economy and European business sector as the world changes. This means maintaining value creation and competitiveness and at the same time safeguarding our security, independence and sovereignty. Here, Norway’s interests coincide closely with those of our European neighbours.

Norway now considers it important that we avoid a situation where the instruments the EU is using to protect its own industry create new barriers for the integration of the EEA EFTA countries into the internal market. The Government is therefore working systematically over the long term to avoid and minimise the consequences this would have. Close dialogue with the EU on these issues is a very important element of this work.

Because of the crucial importance of the EEA Agreement to Norway, the Norwegian business sector and Norwegian jobs, it is vital that we meet our obligations under the Agreement. If we are to ensure that the internal market functions as intended, we must take our own obligations seriously.

The Government has taken several steps to reduce the backlog of EU legislation waiting to be incorporated into the EEA Agreement. We have not yet reached our goal, but are making the management of the EEA Agreement more efficient and boosting EEA expertise in the ministries.

We are now distinguishing more clearly between different types of legal acts. We are seeking to develop solutions that will allow us both to incorporate the legal acts that have been part of the backlog for longest, and at the same time ensure that new important legal acts are incorporated into the EEA Agreement on an ongoing basis. We have tightened up the strategic management of work related to the EEA Agreement. We are now considering new EU initiatives that are particularly important for Norway at an earlier stage, and identifying where we need to use resources so that we can exert an influence in line with our interests. This is important work that is being given priority in the various ministries. At the next meeting of the EEA Joint Committee in a few weeks’ time, a record number of legal acts will be incorporated into the EEA Agreement.

A considerable amount of work has already been done in all the ministries. And just to be clear, this work is not being done to be ‘nice’ to the EU, but because carrying it out is in Norway’s clear interests.

Mr President,

The geopolitical backdrop – with rivalry between the major powers, and international norms and rules under pressure – is creating considerable uncertainty in trade policy and leading to tougher international competition.

In the Cold War period, security policy considerations had acted as a lid on trade policy. During those years, we traded for the most part with other countries that shared our security policy position. When the Cold War ended, this ‘lid’ was lifted off, the world opened up, and globalisation took hold. Few countries have benefited more from this than Norway. While this lid may not have been fully sealed again, it is far more tightly closed now than it was when the EEA Agreement was signed.

In today’s new geopolitical situation, there is a need to integrate security as a cross-cutting concern into economic and technological relations in a completely different way from how Europe has done so in the past.

Security policy considerations must be incorporated more often and more widely into our economic and trade policy assessments. The EU has benefited greatly from being an open economy. Now the need for strategic autonomy is increasingly setting the framework for policy development in the EU.

Just focusing on building competitiveness in global markets is not enough.

The EU has recognised that it is essential to ensure security of supply and protect critical industries and infrastructure in order to maintain autonomy and the capacity to act independently.

There is a need to ensure a secure supply of everything from critical raw minerals to pharmaceuticals and energy. Efforts to enhance economic security are being intensified. Ultimately, the aim is to reduce vulnerabilities and increase the economy’s resilience to external shocks such as wars, pandemics or economic coercion.

The European Economic Security Strategy contains a number of instruments designed to strengthen the EU’s economic security and promote as level a playing field as possible with states and actors outside the internal market, for example in the areas of trade, economy, research and technology.

At the same time, these instruments are intended to ensure that third-country actors operating on the internal market do not undermine the common standards and conditions of competition that apply to industry and business across Europe.

This work, Mr President, will also benefit Norwegian companies, which already adhere to these standards under the EEA Agreement. This autumn, the European Commission has been working to develop a strategic approach to using the tools in the EU’s economic security toolbox.

The key here is to find the right balance between the advantages of economic openness weighed against the risks associated with strategic dependencies and vulnerability in critical supply chains. This is a difficult, but vital, balancing act.

The work to safeguard Norway’s competitiveness and economic security is a high priority for the Government. Norway is dependent on international trade to gain access to the goods and services that we need, and Europe is the most important market for the Norwegian business sector. Ensuring Norway’s full participation in the internal market is thus also crucial to Norway’s economic security. Strengthening our economic security is described in our National Security Strategy as one of three main strategic priorities.

To achieve this, we must increase the competitiveness of the Norwegian economy, reduce vulnerabilities vis-à-vis countries with which Norway has no security cooperation, and strengthen our economic cooperation with allies and partners.

It is in Norway’s interests to preserve an open and rules-based system for trade and the free movement of capital, and safeguard the EEA Agreement. This is also highlighted in the National Security Strategy.

The Security Strategy also states that we will further develop our cooperation with the EU and align our efforts closely with the EU’s economic security agenda because this is of importance to Norway. One of the common denominators for all the tools and initiatives the EU has developed to strengthen its economic security is that they are vital to ensuring the competitiveness and functioning of the internal market.

And for this reason, they are also important for Norway and the other EEA EFTA states. Cooperation with the EU on economic security issues is therefore both natural and necessary. The EU, for its part, has also made it clear that close cooperation with like-minded partners is in everyone’s mutual interest. Partnering with like-minded countries that share common values and strategic interests relating to economic security is a key component of the European Economic Security Strategy.

A number of the instruments in question are in policy areas that in principle do not fall within the scope of the EEA cooperation. This presents a number of challenges for Norway. As I mentioned at the beginning of this address: the gap between EU membership and our form of association under the EEA Agreement has grown.

Some of the legal acts concerned fall outside the scope of the EEA Agreement. We cannot automatically assume that we will be able to participate in projects and initiatives the EU has developed to enhance Europe’s security of supply, competitiveness or economic security.

It is in the clear interests of the EEA EFTA countries to develop close cooperation with the EU on economic security. The work to ensure that we can take part in initiatives in this area will be demanding. We will either have to negotiate new agreements with the EU or put in place other arrangements that allow us to participate in initiatives that fall outside the framework of the EEA cooperation.

One concrete area worth mentioning here is the space sector. The European Commission has put forward proposals for new space-related activities to be supported under a new European Competitiveness Fund. The proposal entails a fivefold increase in funding for defence and space. The potential opportunities for Norwegian industry are considerable. But the conditions for participation are unclear. One or more supplementary agreements will be needed to enable Norway to participate in this area.

The Government is devoting considerable attention to addressing the new set of challenges that is now emerging, and we are working hard to find solutions that will benefit Norway and the Norwegian business sector. We are maintaining a close dialogue with the EU and its member states on this issue. In connection with the meeting of the EEA Council in May this year, there was mutual agreement at political level on the importance of continuing this dialogue, based on existing cooperation structures. This was reaffirmed and reinforced by the EEA Council again last week, and we are now following this up together with our partners, Iceland and Liechtenstein. It is positive that, following a strategic push, Norway is now closely integrated into EU efforts relating to research security.

Mr President,

Security and defence policy dominates the EU agenda more now than it has in the past. Russia’s aggressive use of military force and ambition to dominate its ‘near abroad’ is incompatible with the principles of self-determination, freedom and independence, and represents a direct threat to peace and security in Europe. In recent years, Russia has carried out hybrid operations in Europe, including in Norway.

We must expect this to continue. The likelihood of crises arising in areas close to Norway has increased, and our ability to respond must be improved accordingly.

Closer cooperation in Europe is essential in this context. These threats affect the whole of Europe, including Norway. Norwegian security is inextricably linked to the security of Europe as a whole. And we can only address these threats by working together.

Mr President,

NATO is responsible for defending Allied territory. However, we must promote better burden-sharing across the Atlantic to ensure NATO’s continued credibility. Europe must shoulder a greater share of the responsibility for safeguarding its own security. At the same time, as the EU takes on a greater role in the area of security and defence, it is important to ensure that it does so in close cooperation with NATO.

Addressing the various challenges we are facing today involves not only strengthening Europe’s military capabilities and supporting Ukraine’s fight for freedom, but also enhancing our ability to deal with threats such as targeted information warfare, hostile influence operations, territorial violations and attacks on critical infrastructure.

The White Paper for European Defence – Readiness 2030, which the Commission presented in March this year, is a clear indication of the EU’s intention to take greater responsibility for European security. The white paper sets out that the EU is to have a strong and sufficient defence posture by 2030. In five years’ time, Mr President. Norway is referred to as a ‘full partner’ in the white paper.

In October, the EU adopted the Defence Readiness Roadmap 2030 setting out how it intends to achieve defence readiness by 2030. European capabilities are to be built up in nine priority areas, in cooperation with NATO, in order to increase Europe’s ability to defend itself.

Work is under way to establish four flagship projects: the Eastern Flank Watch, the European Air Shield, the European Space Shield, and the European Drone Defence Initiative. Joint defence materiel procurement is to be increased and efforts to integrate the Ukrainian defence industry with Europe’s defence industry are to be strengthened. The Defence Readiness Roadmap includes a target of organising at least 40 % of defence procurement in the EU as joint procurement by the end of 2027. Joint procurement and joint standards are essential to ensuring a rapid, effective response to external threats.

The European Defence Fund (EDF), the Security Action for Europe (SAFE) financial mechanism, and the European Defence Industry Programme (EDIP) are important instruments in this context. Under these three instruments, the EU provides support for defence-oriented R&D, efforts to increase production capacity and joint procurement. These instruments allow for Norwegian participation.

The Commission’s proposal for a new long-term budget for the period 2028–2034 includes the establishment of a new European Competitiveness Fund, which I mentioned earlier, and which will provide substantial support for investments in the areas of defence, security and space.

The Commission has proposed an allocation of EUR 131 billion for these areas, five times more funding than in the previous budget period. This is the largest growth line in the budget. The Commission has also proposed to include research and technology projects with potential dual-use applications in the next Horizon Europe framework programme for research and innovation.

Mr President,

As stated in the National Security Strategy, ‘Norway will work to further strengthen its security and defence cooperation with the EU, based on the EEA Agreement and the EU-Norway Security and Defence Partnership signed in 2024.’

Through our cooperation, we will seek to ensure that the EU complements NATO. We will work to put in place arrangements that enable Norway to participate in important initiatives relating to emergency preparedness, civilian crisis management, the defence industry, space activities and efforts to combat transnational threats such as crime.

It is in Norway’s interest that the EU takes greater responsibility for its own security. This will strengthen the European arm of NATO, and our own security as well. The synergies to be gained from closer EU-NATO cooperation, in terms of effective division of tasks and responsibilities and mutual support, are important for European and Norwegian security.

The EU has the tools it needs to facilitate cooperation along the entire value chain from research to capability development, to production and procurement. These are powerful instruments that have enabled the EU to move in earnest into the defence and security policy sphere.

The Government is working to find ways to enable Norway to participate in EU security and defence initiatives. Norway is the EU’s most closely associated partner, as the EU wrote in its Strategic Compass. The EEA Agreement puts us in a unique position, and our Security and Defence Partnership provides a framework for further strengthening our cooperation.

This cooperation includes annual political discussions, participation in the EU’s defence industrial cooperation under the EEA Agreement, in the permanent structured cooperation (PESCO), and in EU crisis management exercises and EU contributions to Ukraine.

Our participation in these EU initiatives is an important part of our security policy cooperation with the EU, particularly in the defence industrial sector. Our participation also serves to enhance Norway’s defence industrial contribution to NATO and promotes closer cooperation on building defence capabilities in Europe.

The Government gives priority to taking active part in the EU’s defence industrial cooperation, and views this as crucial for our national security, security of supply and our strategic position in Europe. Norway will study the EU’s Defence Readiness Roadmap 2030 closely to determine where it is in Norway’s interests to participate – and where we can contribute.

The Government attaches importance to ensuring that Norway, Norwegian companies and other stakeholders such as research institutions have the opportunity to participate on an equal footing with the EU member states, in line with our rights under the EEA Agreement.

Being the EU’s most closely associated partner places demands on us to be an active, predictable contributor. This means that we need to show what we can bring to the partnership. We are doing this by increasing our participation in European cooperation, in these fields as well.

Being an active partner and contributor to European security is not just about our cooperation with the EU and NATO, but also about maintaining close cooperation with key European Allies. We are strengthening our dialogue, our defence cooperation, and updating or entering into new defence agreements with a number of selected partners, including Germany, the UK, France, the Netherlands, Poland and the Nordic and Baltic countries.

We are seeing that the emergence of new challenges is increasingly leading to the creation of new forms of cooperation. One example of this is the Coalition of the Willing and associated formats. These formats provide a forum for close dialogue between like-minded countries on European defence capabilities and support to Ukraine, with participation by EU member states and non-EU countries alike.

This underlines the gravity of the security challenges we are facing. Norway will play an active role in the arenas and meeting places where European security policy is being shaped.

Mr President,

In parallel with the EU’s efforts to boost Europe’s security and defence, the work to build resilience at scale is intensifying. The EU is playing an expanding role in the efforts to counter hybrid threats, such as targeted information warfare, hostile influence operations, territorial violations and sabotage of critical infrastructure.

The EU Preparedness Union Strategy and the European Internal Security Strategy set out a number of measures to increase European resilience. Security of supply, protection of critical infrastructure and enhanced crisis response are among the identified priorities.

The EU is also taking on a more prominent role in the efforts to promote military mobility. Norway participates in a number of projects in this area, including under the PESCO framework.

The armed forces are often dependent on civilian infrastructure and civilian means of transport, and this is therefore an area where it is vital to ensure good coordination and standardisation across Allied countries.

In November, the EU will be presenting a new Regulation on military mobility. The proposal will describe how to develop civilian infrastructure in order to meet the need for military mobility. Simplified procedures to ensure that personnel and military equipment can be moved quickly across national borders in the event of a crisis are a key component of this. The EU is clearly best placed to coordinate these efforts.

New military mobility arrangements may raise particular questions for Norway as an EEA EFTA state and NATO member. The Government is working to ensure that any developments in EU policy in this area do not negatively affect military transport to and through Norway because we are not a member of the EU. It is important that the EU and NATO cooperation closely on matters related to military mobility, and we see that this is increasingly the case.

The EU is working to boost its resilience, and these efforts are also in Norway’s interests. We have much to gain from participating in these activities, which will also increase our own resilience. The Government considers it important to ensure Norway’s broad and active participation in initiatives under the EU Preparedness Union Strategy, which are intended to strengthen vital societal functions, increase preparedness among the population, improve crisis response coordination and enhance civil-military cooperation.

Through the EEA and Norway Grants scheme, Norway supports the efforts of civil society organisations in Europe to counter disinformation. In the years ahead, we will be the most important donor of funding for these efforts. This is a significant contribution to addressing one of the most critical challenges we are facing in our work to protect democracy in Europe.

Mr President,

Security policy and energy policy are becoming more and more closely intertwined. Energy security is very high on the European agenda. The war in Ukraine has shown us all how crucial it is to have reliable, stable sources of energy, and has highlighted the importance of energy diversification. Just last night, Mr President, we saw massive Russian attacks on Ukraine’s energy supply, something we are seeing far too often.

Norway is Europe’s most important supplier of oil and gas, and Europe’s sole significant net exporter. Reliable deliveries from the Norwegian continental shelf promote stability and energy security in Europe. This is particularly important at a time of geopolitical uncertainty. At the same time, Norway and the EU are working to reduce emissions and put in place more renewable energy solutions, both onshore and offshore.

The EU’s strategies emphasise the need to increase European production of energy and raw materials to enhance the Union’s long-term resilience and reduce vulnerability. The EU is finalising plans to phase out its remaining Russian energy imports. Norway will continue to be a reliable supplier of gas to Europe.

Mr President,

Our role as a close security partner to the EU also entails wide-ranging cooperation on our greatest and most pressing shared security challenge: maintaining support for Ukraine.

This is of vital importance, especially now. Our support not only demonstrates our solidarity with a country that is making enormous sacrifices in the defence of values that we share, it is also an investment in European security. Well into the future, after the war as well, an independent Ukraine will account for a significant share of Europe’s collective capacity to deter and resist Russia.

This includes in the defence industrial sector, where Ukraine has considerable production capacity as well as extensive, hard-won expertise to share. This means, among other things, that we must support Ukraine’s European integration. The Government will continue to work closely with the EU on sanctions to increase the pressure on Russia.

The Government will provide support to Ukraine through EU schemes where appropriate, as we have done in connection with gas purchases through the Ukraine Investment Facility, ammunition purchases through the European Peace Facility and training activities under the EU Military Assistance Mission (EUMAM Ukraine).

The Government is considering whether Norway can take part in the Ukraine Support Instrument under the European Defence Industry Programme (EDIP). This initiative provides support for the modernisation of the Ukrainian defence industry.

This is a critical time for Ukraine – and thus for Europe as well. Talks on the essential elements of a potential peace agreement are currently under way. Here again, we see the crucial importance of our close cooperation with the rest of Europe. The war in Ukraine is a war in Europe, and the way it ends will affect our security and the security of our continent for many decades to come.

Mr President,

As we contend with this demanding situation, we must not forget that it is in Europe that we find the community of values that most reflect our own. It is in Europe that we can most easily find like-minded partners to defend a world order based on fundamental democratic principles and multilateral cooperation. The EU is our most important partner in the effort to defend rules-based systems and human rights, and a key partner in multilateral forums such as the UN and the World Trade Organization (WTO).

Democracy is under pressure. Norway and the rest of Europe share a mutual interest in closer, more effective cooperation to counter foreign information manipulation and efforts to undermine democratic values.

The EU has launched a range of initiatives in recent years to strengthen democracy, protect election processes and defend the civic space. Two weeks ago, the European Commission presented two initiatives setting out a series of measures to address a broad spectrum of challenges to democracy.

One of these was the European Democracy Shield, which, among other things, is designed to protect information integrity and strengthen coordination and information sharing in connection with incidents and countermeasures. The other was the EU Strategy for Civil Society, which is of direct relevance to Norway as a major contributor of support to civil society in Europe through the EEA and Norway Grants scheme.

Norway welcomes both initiatives and, and we will explore, in close dialogue with the European Commission, how Norway can participate in these important efforts.

Mr President,

The EU is also our foremost ally in the fight against climate change. The climate and nature crisis is the greatest challenge of our time. It can only be addressed through close international cooperation and transition to a greener economy – and this applies to the European market as well.

The EU is a key driver of these efforts. The European Green Deal is the most concrete translation of UN climate targets into practical policies in all sectors. Norway participates in European climate and environmental cooperation under the EEA Agreement as well as our climate agreement with the EU, our programme cooperation with the EU, the Green Alliance and bilateral initiatives. We are seeking to strengthen this cooperation.

Mr President,

Europe is facing serious challenges. The foundation of European security is political cohesion. None of the challenges I have described today can be addressed by any one European country on its own, and all European countries will suffer if these challenges remain unresolved.

And Norway is no exception. We are a small country, with a small population and an open economy. At times like these, the only answer is more – not less – cooperation with our closest partners.

Pursuing an interest-based European policy therefore involves contributing to the effort to find good European solutions to common European challenges. Norway, like others, must adapt to changing constellations of actors. We must participate actively in forums where decisions that affect our security are being taken and work closely with our allies.

In closing, let me sum up like this: although it is becoming more and more important for Norway to be able to participate in EU initiatives in new areas, such as trade policy and security and preparedness, the EEA Agreement does not automatically entitle us to do so.

What we are seeing now is that when we want something extra – beyond the scope of the agreements we already have – we encounter challenges in our cooperation with the EU. Securing Norwegian participation in European initiatives that fall outside the scope of the EEA Agreement, but that it is in our interests to take part in, will not just happen on its own. It will require in-depth understanding of the situation, intensified political efforts and a proactive approach.

Closer cooperation in these areas is possible, if the parties agree on this. To make this happen, we must work constructively with the EU and ensure that the EU continues to see it as in its interest to include Norway. This means various things.

We must play an active role in the programmes in which we are already participating, and seek to add value to the EU’s efforts. We must also be prepared to accommodate the EU’s positions on issues of importance to it, in order to be able to participate in EU programmes in areas that are important for us – but that fall outside the scope of the EEA Agreement.

To succeed, we must be able to a greater extent to view our cooperation in a macro perspective. We must acknowledge the dilemmas and challenges Norway now faces in its relationship with the EU.

The world has become more dangerous, and we are moving into uncharted terrain. We cannot simply keep doing what we have done before. We must think along new lines. Like politicians who have gone before us, when faced with major geopolitical upheaval, we must once again, make ‘creative efforts proportionate to the dangers’ that threaten us.

We cannot do this alone. We can only do this in close cooperation with our closest friends and allies. And Europe is where we will find them.